Zionists and the Religious Society of Friends, or Quakers
June 29, 2026
June 27, 2026 / NNOMY staff / National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth – The relationship between Zionists and the Religious Society of Friends, or Quakers, is a complex historical narrative that has shifted from deep humanitarian cooperation into intense political and ideological conflict. For centuries, these two distinct groups—one a nationalist movement seeking a sovereign Jewish homeland, the other a historically pacifist Christian denomination—were bound by shared experiences of marginalization and a commitment to human rights. In the modern era, however, this bond has largely fractured, replaced by a bitter dispute over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, complicated further by internal wrestling over identity and longstanding institutional histories in the region.
The Foundations of Solidarity
The historical ties between Quakers and the Jewish community date back to the 17th century. In 1656, Quaker co-founder Margaret Fell was a leading voice in persuading Oliver Cromwell to readmit Jews to England centuries after their medieval expulsion. This foundational empathy deepened during the catastrophic events of the 20th century. As the Nazi regime rose to power in the 1930s, Quaker organizations, most notably the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), became vital lifelines for European Jews. Quakers tracked anti-Semitic persecution, organized refugee rescue networks, and played a pivotal role in the Kindertransport, which saved thousands of Jewish children. This tireless humanitarian work earned the Quakers a Nobel Peace Prize in 1947 and forged an immense bond of trust with Jewish and early Zionist leaders.
Ground-Level Beginnings: The Ramallah Mission
Long before the geopolitical shifts of the mid-20th century, Quakers had already established a physical and cultural footprint in the Levant. In the late 19th century, American Friends established a mission in Ramallah, eventually founding the Ramallah Friends Schools. Originally designed to provide education, particularly to young girls, these institutions became premier educational hubs in the region.
Crucially, these schools operated at the intersection of shifting empires and national movements. Over the decades, they educated generations of the Palestinian elite, fostering a deep, localized affinity between Quaker educators and the Arab population of Palestine. When the Zionist movement began gaining traction and changing the demographic and political landscape of the region, the institutional memory of the Quakers was already deeply intertwined with the communities that felt most threatened by Zionist ambitions. The schools transitioned from simple missionary outposts into symbols of Quaker commitment to Palestinian civic society.
The Turning Point of 1948
The creation of the State of Israel and the subsequent 1948 Arab-Israeli War fundamentally altered the global Quaker dynamic. Following the United Nations partition plan and the ensuing conflict, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were displaced. The United Nations turned to Quaker leadership to oversee municipal affairs in Jerusalem and requested that the AFSC manage humanitarian relief for Arab refugees in the Gaza Strip.
This assignment marked a permanent shift in Quaker advocacy. Historically, Quakers operated under a doctrine of “balanced partiality,” seeking to remain neutral mediators between opposing factions. However, embedded in the refugee camps of Gaza, Quaker aid workers concluded that the structural inequality between the newly established Israeli state and the stateless, displaced Palestinians required them to shift their focus. They gradually abandoned their stance of strict neutrality, choosing instead to align their resources and global advocacy primarily with the Palestinian cause.
Internal Tensions: The Dual Identity of Jewish Quakers
As the institutional Quaker stance shifted against Zionism, it ignited a quiet but profound crisis of identity for Jewish Quakers (sometimes colloquially called “Hebrew Friends” or “Quakers of Jewish heritage”). For decades, many Jewish individuals had found a spiritual home in the unprogrammed, silent worship of Quaker meetings, drawn by the shared values of pacifism, social justice, and Tikkun Olam (repairing the world).
However, as Quaker meeting houses increasingly became hubs for anti-Zionist activism, these members found themselves caught in a painful crossfire. For many Jewish Quakers, Israel represents a vital sanctuary against historical anti-Semitism—a nuance they feel is completely erased by modern Quaker rhetoric. Internal debates have fractured local meetings, as Jewish members struggle to reconcile their theological commitment to Quaker peace testimonies with the institutional alienation they feel when their ancestral homeland is condemned. This internal struggle highlights that the friction between Zionism and Quakerism is not just an external diplomatic dispute, but a deeply personal theological rift.
Modern Activism and the BDS Movement
In recent decades, mainstream Quaker organizations have transitioned from quiet humanitarian relief into overt, progressive political activism. Today, Quaker bodies are among the most vocal religious critics of Zionism. They have been at the forefront of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement. Organizations like Quakers in Britain enforce strict institutional boycotts of goods produced in West Bank settlements and bar their central funds from investing in any corporation that profits from the Israeli occupation.
Furthermore, Quaker rhetoric has steadily hardened. Governing bodies have increasingly adopted severe terminology to describe Israeli policies. British Quaker leadership formally characterized the administration of the West Bank as “apartheid,” and they became the first major British church to issue a formal declaration stating their belief that the Israeli government’s military actions in Gaza constituted “genocide.”
The Zionist Critique and Strained Relations
This evolution has drawn sharp and consistent condemnation from Zionist advocacy groups, historians, and pro-Israel analysts, who view modern Quaker activism as a betrayal of the group’s historic impartiality. Critics argue that Quaker organizations weaponize their historic reputation for pacifism and moral authority to shield a deeply entrenched, asymmetric anti-Zionist bias.
From a Zionist perspective, Quaker support for an absolute Palestinian “right of return” is viewed not as a humanitarian stance, but as a political position that functionally demands the demographic dismantling of Israel as a Jewish state. Pro-Israel commentators also point out what they see as a profound logical contradiction in modern Quaker pacifism: while Quaker organizations fiercely denounce Israeli military defense measures, they are accused of contextualizing or downplaying Palestinian militant violence as a mere symptom of occupation.
Consequently, the historic alliance has eroded at the grassroots level. Local interfaith cooperation has suffered significantly. Synagogues that once shared deep communal bonds with local Friends Meeting Houses have increasingly severed those ties, citing deep discomfort with the political rhetoric emerging from modern Quaker spaces. What began as a relationship defined by rescue and mutual relief has transformed into one of the sharpest ideological divides in contemporary religious and political discourse.
###
